
The most amusing answers tend to be the ones from campaign advisors whose candidates fizzled out.

His effort ends where it began 13 months ago -- with the Democrat helping to rebuild a city still struggling after the devastation of Hurricane Katrina.
Edwards has lost races and national attention to his better-funded rivals Hillary Rodham Clinton and Barack Obama. But his presence has steered debate in the Democratic contest toward progressive ideals such as universal health care, and restricting a lobbyists pull.
Democrat John Edwards Wednesday repudiated the notion that there is a "global war on terror," calling it an ideological doctrine advanced by the Bush administration that has strained American military resources and emboldened terrorists.
In a defense policy speech he planned to deliver at the Council on Foreign Relations, Edwards called the war on terror a "bumper sticker" slogan Bush had used to justify everything from abuses at the Abu Ghraib prison to the invasion of Iraq.
"We need a post-Bush, post-9/11, post-Iraq military that is mission focused on protecting Americans from 21st century threats, not misused for discredited ideological purposes," Edwards said in remarks prepared for delivery. "By framing this as a war, we have walked right into the trap the terrorists have set - that we are engaged in some kind of clash of civilizations and a war on Islam."
com•pro•mise (kom' pro -miz )
n.
1.
a. A settlement of differences in which each side makes concessions.
b. The result of such a settlement.
[Middle English compromis, from Old French, from Latin compromissum, mutual promise, from neuter past participle of compromittere, to promise mutually : com-, com- + promittere, to promise; see promise.]
Democrats Back Down On Iraq Timetable
Compromise Bill in Works After Veto Override Fails
President Bush and congressional leaders began negotiating a second war funding bill yesterday, with Democrats offering the first major concession: an agreement to drop their demand for a timeline to bring troops home from Iraq.
We need the Congress to stand firm and strong. If they don't have enough votes for the veto, then they need to send George Bush another bill, another funding bill. If he vetoes that bill, they need to send him another bill.
They need to be strong. They need to be courageous. This is not about politics.
We have men and women dying in Iraq. We have spent five hundred billion dollars in Iraq. It is time for America to leave Iraq.
A long war is a disaster for whoever wins--Sun Tsu
Disavow AIPAC [triggered quite an argument near where I stood]
911 was an inside job: Google 911 truth
War against terror--stupid as a war against shooters
Thank you very much. And let me say first of all how proud I am of all of you, and for others like you around the country, who are speaking out and standing up against this president.
This president, four years ago yesterday, arrived on an aircraft carrier and declared "Mission Accomplished." Not quite, right?
And now, for all of us, the reason we're gathered here today, is because the Congress has been given a mission. They were given that mission on Election Day 2006. And that mission is to stop this war in Iraq.
We need the Congress to stand firm and strong. If they don't have enough votes for the veto, then they need to send George Bush another bill, another funding bill [garbled]. If he vetoes that bill, they need to send him another bill.
They need to be strong. They need to be courageous. This is not about politics.
We have men and women dying in Iraq. We have spent five hundred billion dollars in Iraq. It is time for America to leave Iraq.
And I want to say to all of you, and all the MoveOn members all across this country: You've spoken out with strength and courage and passion about this issue. I'm proud of you for what you're doing. I'm proud of what you're doing, in speaking out, and standing up with strength and courage.
For those of you who haven't seen it, we put an ad on--we're putting an ad, tomorrow morning, on the air, in Washington DC, urging the Congress to stand strong, to stand firm, to stand with the American people and against George Bush.
And I want to say to all of you--you can join. Your voices can be heard. You can go to johnedwards.com, you can see the ad, you can pass it on to your friends, and you can join your voice to this chorus [?]. Because we want your voice to be heard.
This is such an important movement. Here's the truth--the great movements in American history did not begin in the Oval Office in Washington DC. The great movements--the civil rights movement, the movement to stop the war in Vietnam, the movement to stop the apartheid regime in South Africa--and today, the movement to stop the war in Iraq starts right here, in Portland, Oregon, with all of you [garbled].
Thank you all very much.
In the fall of 2005, John Edwards sat down with a pad and pen and scrawled out three simple words: "I was wrong." It was nearly three years after he'd joined a Senate majority in voting to authorize war in Iraq. After an unsuccessful run as John Kerry's vice presidential candidate in the 2004 election, Edwards had returned home to North Carolina and watched as the war descended into chaos. Increasingly filled with regret, he concluded that the three-word confession would be the right way to start a Washington Post op-ed admitting his vote was a mistake.
But when a draft came back from his aides in Washington, Edwards's admission was gone. Determined, the senator reinserted the sentence. Again a draft came back from Washington; again the sentence had been taken out. "We went back and forth, back and forth," Edwards tells NEWSWEEK. "They didn't want me to say it. They were saying I should stress that I'd been misled." The opening sentence remained. "That was the single most important thing for me to say," Edwards recalls. "I had to show how I really feel." […]
Edwards's new commitment to authenticity may have real roots: in 2004, the candidate learned the hard way that too much caution can be fatal. When the Kerry campaign faltered, Edwards and his wife were convinced that a broad swath of competing consultants, offering conflicting advice, were largely to blame. "Consultants can make it hard to tell the truth," Edwards says. "They want you to be so cautious it makes it hard to say anything." Aides, who didn't want to be named discussing their boss's internal thinking, say he walked away from 2004 convinced that only strong, centralized decision making works in presidential campaigns.[…]
Aides saw a new confidence in Edwards after he publicly repudiated his war vote in November 2005.
I have no interest in giving a pass to those Democrats who aided and abetted Bush's mistakes, and I especially have no interest in giving a pass to those who demonstrate Bushian inability to offer self-reflection and admit that mistake. It's not a question of offering an "apology". I want acknowledgment of past mistakes.
These Democrats didn't just enable Bush's war, they sat by and let the Right Wing smear machine attack those of us who waged our lonely battles to prevent this disaster from happening. And while most of the candidates in the field have come around, Hillary remains the notable exception.
Those who have admitted their mistakes are now free to train their sights on the GOP. It doesn't absolve them from their terrible judgment, but it mitigates it. While it's best to not make a mistake in the first place, it's even worse to compound that mistake by refusing to come to terms with it.
Clinton doesn't have that. And what's worse, she has pretty much lost the window of opportunity to do so. After resisting for so long, she finds herself in the thick of the presidential primary (yes, even a year out) with no room to maneuver. If she suddenly reverses course and decides that yes, she'll take personal responsibility for her vote, it'll feed into the strongest anti-Hillary narrative -- that she's a panderer and will say what is most politically expedient at the moment.
It's a sad state of affairs, but Hillary has made her bed.
I stand by my prediction: I think it's going to be a tough row to hoe for any 2008 Democratic presidential candidate who supported the war unless they--all right, I'll say it: unless she--does more than merely surf the latest polls and claim that the war is now a disaster, and instead goes the distance and admits that it was a mistake from the beginning.And here's what ABC News is reporting tonight:
As Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton continues to assess a possible presidential candidacy and the contours of a Democratic nomination fight, she has taken another step away from her 2002 vote authorizing President Bush to attack Iraq by saying that she "wouldn't have voted that way" if she knew everything she knows now.Okay, let's do the arithmetic: I give her two days to get around to reading my post, a day to talk it over with the Big Dog, another day to work on it with her staff . . . and, lo and behold, her statement comes out today. Honestly--can you think of any other cause for her announcement?
Clinton has often been asked if she regrets her vote authorizing military action and she usually answers that question with an artful dodge, saying that she accepts responsibility for the vote and suggesting that if the Senate had all the information it has today (no WMD, troubled post-war military planning, etc. . .), there would never have been a vote on the Senate floor.
However, she has never gone as far as some of her potential rivals for the 2008 Democratic presidential nomination -- who also voted for the war -- and called her vote a mistake or declared that she would have cast her vote differently with all the facts presently available to her -- until now.
I was wrong.
Almost three years ago we went into Iraq to remove what we were told -- and what many of us believed and argued -- was a threat to America. But in fact we now know that Iraq did not have weapons of mass destruction when our forces invaded Iraq in 2003. The intelligence was deeply flawed and, in some cases, manipulated to fit a political agenda.
It was a mistake to vote for this war in 2002. I take responsibility for that mistake. It has been hard to say these words because those who didn't make a mistake -- the men and women of our armed forces and their families -- have performed heroically and paid a dear price.
The world desperately needs moral leadership from America, and the foundation for moral leadership is telling the truth.
While we can't change the past, we need to accept responsibility, because a key part of restoring America's moral leadership is acknowledging when we've made mistakes or been proven wrong -- and showing that we have the creativity and guts to make it right.