Showing posts with label Afghanistan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Afghanistan. Show all posts

Tuesday, June 3, 2014

Quote of the day: Commanding


Having already draped himself in a toga, McCain's response to the Obama administration has been both petulant and imperious, a small boy commanding an army of butterflies.
- Charlie Pierce, on His Irrelevancy's angry denunciation of whatever Obama did most recently; in this case it's the president welcoming home a returned soldier who'd been held captive for years.

Oops. Wrong soldier, wrong president, wrong war. My bad.

Monday, October 22, 2012

Quote of the day: On the continuation of foreign policy by other means


Trade is foreign policy. The environment is foreign policy. Energy policy is foreign policy. Human rights are foreign policy. Drought is foreign policy. Starvation is foreign policy. War is generally only foreign policy when one of those other things I mentioned get completely out of control. However, as I suspect we will see argued enthusiastically from both sides tonight, war, and not its historic causes, has come to define foreign policy.
- Charles Pierce on his steadily-diminishing expectations for a “foreign policy presidential debate” in 2012.

This goes out to Charlie.

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Wednesday, June 30, 2010

More than just familiarity breeds contempt

It occurs to me that the story of McChrystal's undoing contains another lesson, hardly flattering but certainly not limited to McChrystal's case:

The modern professional is defined by the possession of expert knowledge, and expert knowledge inexorably leads to contempt for those who don't possess it, even if -- perhaps especially if -- those unschooled souls are the ones in whose service you're supposed to place your expertise.

There's another example here.

Tuesday, June 29, 2010

CBS's Lara Logan outs herself as part of the problem

In this story about the mainstream media's attacks on Rolling Stone and freelance journalist Michael Hastings for, you know, doing the reporting that the MSM won't, Yahoo! News (there's a sourcing, exclamation point and all, that would have seemed unimaginable not that long ago!) has fun with this irony: ABC News and Washington Post have printed attacks on the ethics of RS and Hastings built largely upon anonymous quotes who make allegations of impropriety without offering evidence.

(Hint: The sources were given anonymity because . . . they asked for it.

"The sources would only allow us to use the material on condition of anonymity," Post National Security editor Cameron Barr told Yahoo! News.

I'm sure that clears things up for everyone. The sources, with or without anonymity, were necessary for ABC and WaPo to circulate accusations that would been even thinner still without them, so the deal was struck.)

Ironies abound:

The Post published the entire fact-checking email between Rolling Stone and McChrystal's now-former press aide online, coincidentally just hours after a Washington Post blogger resigned following a media controversy over the publication of supposedly private emails.

But here's what seems, to me, to go to the heart of the problem (emphasis added):

But even though the news organizations did their diligence in getting both sides, there's a rather glaring irony in other press outlets relying solely on anonymous sources for a story about sourcing. While Rolling Stone defended itself against the charges, the magazine doesn’t get the benefit of knowing who's actually making such charges.

In addition to anonymous officials making allegations against Hastings, criticism has come from another reporter who’s spent considerable time on the front lines: CBS chief foreign correspondent Lara Logan. Logan, Sunday on CNN’s "Reliable Sources," suggested — based on her assumptions, not with any actual evidence — that Hastings must have acted unethically in publishing some caustic quotes from McChrystal and his aides aimed at the civilian leadership, including President Obama.

"It's hard to know — Michael Hastings, if you believe him, says that there were no ground rules laid out," Logan said. "And, I mean, that just doesn't really make a lot of sense to me, because if you look at the people around Gen. McChrystal, if you look at his history, he was the Joint Special Operations commander. He has a history of not interacting with the media at all." (The Economist reported otherwise on Friday, noting that McChrystal regularly spoke to the press and did so with notable candor.)

Logan, who married a State Department contractor she met while covering the Iraq War, also made a comment suggesting that the Rolling Stone scribe should not have reported as aggressively on the military leadership in Afghanistan. "I mean, the question is, really, is what Gen. McChrystal and his aides are doing so egregious, that they deserved to end a career like McChrystal's?" Logan asked. "I mean, Michael Hastings has never served his country the way McChrystal has."

Nice touch, there at the end -- "Hastings has never served his country the way McChrystal has" -- isn't it?

Well, no, strictly speaking, he hasn't served his country quite the way McChrystal has. But he has served it in a very important way all the same -- in a way so important, in fact, that it's been enshrined in its very own Amendment. Surprising (and disappointing) that Logan needs to be reminded of that.

And yet -- although I could be wrong -- I'll bet that, when he reaches age 56, Hastings won't retire with the pension and benefits of a three-star general, either.

Logan's suggestion that it's Hastings whose ethics are somehow compromised would be laughable if the stakes weren't so high.

Monday, June 28, 2010

It's not what you know; it's who you don't know

Frank Rich says that Rolling Stone freelancer Michael Hastings' interview with Gen. Stanley McChrystal was "an impressive feat of journalism by a Washington outsider who seemed to know more about what was going on in Washington than most insiders did."

Rich is being too kind to his fraternity with that remark: It's not that Hastings knew more than the beltway insiders did; it's that, unlike the Washington insiders, he was actually willing to go into print with what he knew.  As Rich later concedes, access journalists (how many readers remember, for instance, that Bob Woodward originally wasn't one?) have their social calendars and book deals to consider.

Big difference there.

Tuesday, June 22, 2010

The New Apology

Well, well. So Gen. Stanley McChrystal, the man in charge of the Afghanistan War (at 8 1/2 years and counting, it's like the "Cats" of American military adventures), has been called back to Washington following news that McChrystal bad-mouthed the White House, his commander in chief, and American diplomacy in the latest issue of Rolling Stone.

No doubt apologies will be demanded and apologies offered.

But apologia is tricky stuff. For a couple of millennia, the apology was understood to be an expression of regret for wrongdoing, although it could also be a defense of one's actions by way of explanation (on the latter, check your Socrates, or your Gen. George S. Patton).

In modern public discourse, though, a third sense of apology is sucking all the rhetorical oxygen away from the original two.

The New Apology doesn't mean "I regret my action and the harm it's caused others."

It doesn't mean "I undertake never to do that again."

And it absolutely doesn't mean "I was wrong."

To the extent that it actually means anything, the New Apology can mean:

"I'm sorry -- that you didn't like it when you found out I disrespected you, which I didn't think you would."

Or:

"I'm sorry -- that you're choosing to make a BFD out of this instead of giving me another free pass."

Or:

"I'm sorry -- that some reporter was so unprofessional as to quote my remarks accurately, completely, and in context."

Or:

"I'm sorry -- that now I'll have to spend time publicly humbling myself so that I'll be allowed to continue privately abasing those who deserve my loyalty and respect."

Or:

"I'm sorry -- that I'll have to start covering my tracks more carefully in the future when I engage in double-dealing or back-stabbing."


Calling what McChrystal is undoubtedly going to say next "an apology" as we normally use that word is like saying that "The Biggest Loser" is about "reality." Or that "Canadian bacon" is either "Canadian" or "bacon." It really says more about how careless we are with our language than it does about McChrystal's motives.

Let's face it: The Afghanistan War isn't getting anywhere, which means that McCrystal, for all his preening and posturing --

"I'd rather have my ass kicked by a roomful of people than go out to this dinner," McChrystal says.

He pauses a beat.

"Unfortunately," he adds, "no one in this room could do it."

With that, he's out the door.

-- is hardly the indispensable man. Why waste time on the New Apology kabuki?

Let's just skip that step entirely. Forget about any apology, Old or New. Sack him, let him collect his pension while he goes to work for a defense contractor, watch as his inevitable "Screw me? Screw you!" payback memoir gets remaindered within six months, and let's all move on.

Saturday, April 3, 2010

"A contagion of courage"

When Kissinger was playing Iago to President Nixon's Richard III, all the elements proper to a royal drama were present. But Kissinger wasn't simply the paragon of something past. He also used the modern techniques [of manipulating rational, bureaucratic structure] with a determined and narrow genius.

What isn't clear is whether he ever believed he would be serving the public interest. We don't know what went through his mind during his first months as President Nixon's National Security Council Advisor. Perhaps he underwent a sudden private revelation that he craved power and had the manipulative talents to gain it. Perhaps, in the adrenaline rush of that revelation, he forgot about the nature of public service.




With thanks to DL buddy Nick, without whose nudging I would have let the opportunity pass, last night I saw the "The Most Dangerous Man in America," the documentary on Daniel Ellsberg and the Pentagon Papers, at Cinema 21 in Portland, and listened to Ellsberg himself in a Q&A session with the audience afterward.

It was an amazing experience, if by "amazing" we mean: "likely to make you feel like you're wasting oxygen that better people than you could be putting to use right now."

Or: "likely to make you realize that even people who are really smart and have pretty clear values don't have all the answers and can't always make everything have a happy ending."




There's a story Ellsberg tells in the film (it's also in his 2003 book Secrets) about a meeting he had with Henry Kissinger not long before Richard Nixon took office. Kissinger would be Nixon's National Security Advisor, and Ellsberg at that time held a high-security clearance position in the State Department. Ellsberg explained to Kissinger the cycle of reactions he would experience as he gained access to highly classified government secrets. First, said Ellsberg, you feel elation: You're now privy to the most closely guarded secrets the government holds. Apart from the ego gratification of that, there's the content itself--the things you'll now know that you didn't, and couldn't, before.

That leads to the second stage: You'll feel foolish, embarrassed to realize how naïve you had been, how many things you had recently believed that you now know simply aren't so.

Finally, Ellsberg told Kissinger, you'll come to feel that the American people are the foolish ones, since they aren't in the know like you and your cohort. Inevitably, you'll feel contempt for the people you're supposed to be serving.

Ellsberg notes that Kissinger originally favored a quick diplomatic end to the Vietnam war--essentially giving the US a "decent interval" by which to save diplomatic face and get our troops out. But the thought of anything other than unambiguous victory in Vietnam (whatever that might be) was anathema to Nixon, and Kissinger (who would later famously remark that "power is the ultimate aphrodisiac") was more interested in the power that came from manipulating the President than in preventing a wider war in Indochina.

You may remember the results.

In the Q & A session after the film, several audience members raised variations of the same question: Why do our leaders sacrifice thousands upon thousands of (others') lives pursuing treasury-breaking wars with no connection to our national interest--and why are we so helpless to stop it?

Ellsberg, a Marine officer in the early 1960s, noted that courage--the willingness to take risk when the stakes are extraordinarily high--is not all that unusual on the battlefield, but much rarer when those soldiers return to serve their country civilian life. He specifically and unflatteringly referred to Colin Powell as one of those who were unable to break free of the cult of the secret and the pursuit of insider power through palace intrigues.

In fact, he wasn't terribly charitable to any of the players on the national stage right now: Not White House advisors; not the Congress charged with constitutional responsibilities of oversight; not the news media which, except for a rare interval lasting from the publication of the Pentagon Papers by the NYTimes and over a dozen other papers in defiance of the Nixon administration's efforts to invoke prior restraint, to the investigation and coverage of Watergate, has always been much more comfortable with access journalism than adversarial journalism.

And not the American public who, said Ellsberg, "must have the courage to face responsibly what we're doing in the world."

It was a very mixed experience: Ellsberg seemed genuinely appreciative of the chance to talk with people about the issues he has given himself to for forty years. (There were two moments, one in the film and one during Ellsberg's remarks, when the local audience reacted warmly to praise for Oregon's Senator Wayne Morse.) His own determination to continue his own political activism was evident and inspiring. But it would be impossible to miss his distinct lack of optimism about the future. He voted for Obama, and assumed he would do so again--at a couple of points he referred to Obama's re-election in 2012 as if it were a fait accompli. And yet he expressed little hope that Obama would end the war in Afghanistan--indeed he predicted an escalation of US troop involvement. Although he added somewhat wistfully, almost as an afterthought, that it's still early in Obama's first term; perhaps there's time for him to change direction.

Ellsberg nurtures no great expectations for the anti-war movement in connection with Iraq and Afghanistan (and as audience members noted, there's no draft and no Vietnam-equivalent daily media coverage to provide the added push this time around), yet he considers it necessary work. The anti-war movement, he pointed out, finally prevailed in the case of the Vietnam war . . . but it took ten years.

We need, he said, "a contagion of courage." And that's where things were left hanging.

(Ellsberg will be present for Q & A sessions with the audience after both showings tonight, and the film will be at Cinema 21 through next week.)